7.1 The emergence of popular governments riding the wave of massive popular upsurge against imperialism and its neo-liberal offensive in Latin America has been popularly described as a ‘pink tide – turn to the Left’.
7.2 Many countries in Latin America are ruled by either Left-wing or progressive governments after winning democratic elections. Left-wing coalitions, including Communist parties, that have emerged in these countries are providing an alternative to imperialist globalization and neo-liberalism within capitalism. This experience is in direct contrast with the armed struggles that are continuing in countries like Peru and Colombia, demonstrating once again the futility of Left-adventurism. USA has set-up seven military bases in Colombia, mainly targeting Venezuela, by using a right-wing reactionary regime, under the pretext of ‘protecting democracy’ from ‘Left-wing’ militancy.
7.3 For the past few years, these progressive governments have drastically reduced their economic dependence on the US and have increased trade amongst the countries of the South. This, in a way, limited the effects of the economic crisis on the continent and helped them recover fast. Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia stand on a firmer anti-imperialist footing and are nationalizing various public assets that were placed under private control by the earlier regimes. Many banks were nationalized by Venezuela, and Ecuador has recently nationalized its energy resources like Bolivia had done earlier. With their increased emphasis on social spending and the State playing a major role in the alleviation of socio-economic inequalities, these countries are leading the way for the other anti-imperialist governments in the continent.
7.4 Various forums have been forged to encourage regional trade between the countries of the continent like the MERCOSUR, ALBA, Sao Paulo Forum, etc. The latest is the new regional economic grouping – the community of Latin American and Caribbean states (CELAC). All these forums are being used not only to forge close bonds between these countries but also put up a united face in resisting the pressures of neo-liberalism. US is trying hard to regain its lost hold in the continent, which it once famously considered to be its backyard. It is increasing its military presence in the area. It continues to interfere in the internal affairs of these countries, like the role it played in the coup in Honduras. It is also trying to use the rightwing governments in some other countries. The progressive governments in the region and the Left-wing forces in the continent are deeply engaged in the fight against the US, exposing its nefarious designs and mobilizing the people against the imperialist offensive.
7.5 The experience of Venezuela during the last decade shows that there has been substantial improvement in social indicators since 1998. Poverty and income inequality have declined sharply. Indicators of health and access to education have substantially improved as have access to water and sanitation. The number of students in higher education more than doubled from the 1999-2000 school year to the 2007-2008 school year. 
7.6 The ‘Bolivarian alternative for Latin America’, popularly known as ALBA, has emerged as a political project that is directly opposed to the imperialist design of a Free Trade Agreement for the Americas (FTAA). Although it was born as an alternative proposal to the FTAA, the ALBA responds to an old and permanent confrontation between Latin American and Caribbean peoples and imperialism. Perhaps a better way of presenting the conflicting projects is by contrasting Monroism and Bolivarianism. Monroism, usually referred to as ‘America for the Americans’, is in reality ‘America for the USA’. This is the imperialist project, a project of loot and pillage. Bolivarianism is a proposal of unity between Latin American and Caribbean peoples, following the ideals of Simon Bolivar, who intended to create a Confederation of Republics. It was, in sum, the opposition of an imperialist proposal by a proposal of liberation reflecting the contrast between the FTAA and the ALBA. 
7.7 The successes of such governments in continuing to face and overcome imperialist challenges in Latin America, therefore, depends on how they continue to exercise their firmness to maintain ‘politics in command’, in order to ensure that politics determines their economic policies and, thus, continue to defeat imperialism’s political and economic needs which seek to direct their domestic policies to suit imperialism’s hegemonic designs. 
7.8 These popular forces today constitute an important element in strengthening the worldwide struggle against imperialist globalization. They are also an important element in uniting the anti-war, anti-imperialist, anti-military aggression and interventions movements with the movements against globalization. It is this unity that needs to be built into a powerful global anti-imperialist movement which will have the potential for a future revolutionary transformation.
7.9 Following the historic and heroic victory over apartheid and the victory of the National Democratic Revolution, as characterized by the South African Communist Party (SACP), the ANC government based on a tripartite alliance – ANC, SACP, Confederation of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) – was seriously engaged in transforming the highly exploitative and racially discriminatory apartheid structures and to provide the predominantly black population with economic empowerment. Initially, it had tried this through a policy known as GEAR – growth, employment and redistribution – adopted in 1996. However, it was later realized that these policies advanced the neo-liberal reform process which resulted in the workers’ share in the GDP which stood at 51 per cent in 1994, declining to 42 per cent in 2008, and the share of profits as a percentage of GDP went up from 25 to 33 per cent in the same period. South Africa is now in the midst of affecting a serious course correction. 
7.10 On the basis of its own domestic experience and in contending with current world realities, the SACP came to the conclusion that its success can only come under working class hegemony. It says: ‘The struggle for working class hegemony is not an alternative to the multi-class character of our national democratic struggle – on the contrary, it is the precondition for its successful advance, consolidation and defence.’