Arizona School Board Fires Head of Mexican-American Studies

by Paul Teitelbaum

The Tucson Unified School Board, in a 3-2 vote, ousted the director of the Mexican-American Studies Program on April 10.

Program Director Sean Arce co-founded the MAS Program in 1999 and developed it into one of the most successful programs in the district. In 2004, the Mexican-American Studies Department was combined with the Pan-Asian, African-American and Native-American Studies Departments to create the new Ethnic Studies Department. This made the Tucson district the only K-12 public school district in the U.S. with an Ethnic Studies Department.

During the two-and-a-half-hour public comment period prior to the vote, people defended Arce and the program and lambasted the racist cowards on the board. Not one comment was made against the program. Community activist Isabel Garcia expressed the anger and outrage of the people when she told the board, ”I believe you prefer our children in prison than graduating from these high schools.” Continue reading

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Pan-Americanism and Socialist Internationalism: A Critical Reading of “If America Should Go Communist”

by Rick Gunderman

In 1934, disgraced Russian revolutionary Lev (Leon) Trotsky published If America Should Go Communist.

Trotsky’s role and status in the international communist movement is controversial, and his farcical view of Soviet history and the obvious detachment from dialectical materialism comes out swinging in most of his works. This one is no exception.

Ideological Flaws and Contraditions in If America Should Go Communist

Trotsky strongly opposed Mao’s theory of the “bloc of four classes” as a means to achieve success in China (which it did), but in If America Should Go Communist he gleefully suggests that the American capitalists could be brought into the socialist revolution “by showing that support of the soviets alone offers them the prospect of salvation” (which never happened). Continue reading

The Case for Self-Defense

by William Richardson

What we have seen with the Trayvon Martin case is a community watchman who is socially white (his actual race is half Hispanic) shoot an unarmed black teen, the police not arrest him and the federal government not step in to even consult on the case until there were hundreds of protests and millions of people calling for justice. All the while this was going on the same police who were supposed to investigate this case are shooting up unarmed black teens, men, and women in our communities across America. Let’s also mention for coverage that the feds was allowing our military to murder US citizens and kill foreign civilians in the many countries where they have deployed troops.

Yet Trayvon’s family (total respect to them) and our black “leaders” wanted to bring Zimmerman to justice through the proper authorities. What is wrong with this picture? We are asking people who kill us and hate us (and kill and hate other people too) to protect us from people who hate us and kill us. This is my argument against trusting the police or any authority to achieve justice for the African community when they are part of the system that created the conditions that led to Trayvon’s death in the first place. Continue reading

Trotsky’s Day in Court

by Harry Haywood

Apart from our academic courses, we received our first tutelage in Leninism and the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the heat of the inner-party struggle then raging between Trotsky and the majority of the Central Committee led by Stalin. We KUTVA students were not simply bystanders, but were active participants in the struggle. Most students — and all of our group from the U.S. — were ardent supporters of Stalin and the Central Committee majority.

It had not always been thus. Otto told me that in 1924, a year before he arrived, a majority of the students in the school had been supporters of Trotsky. Trotsky was making a play for the Party youth, in opposition to the older Bolshevik stalwarts. With his usual demagogy, he claimed that the old leadership was betraying the revolution and had embarked on a course of “Thermidorian reaction.”1 In this situation, he said, the students and youth were “the Party’s truest barometer.”2

But by the time the Black American students arrived, the temporary attraction to Trotsky had been reversed. The issues involved in the struggle with Trotsky were discussed in the school. They involved the destiny of socialism in the Soviet Union. Which way were the Soviet people to go? What was to be the direction of their economic development? Was it possible to build a socialist economic system? These questions were not only theoretical ones, but were issues of life and death. The economic life of the country would not stand still and wait while they were being debated. Continue reading